To many, the basic pillars of education are reading, writing, and arithmetic. Generally, anyone with an opinion on education uses the conversation about these tenets as a touchstone for whether students are learning what they ought to learn. From there, the lines get blurry. Some believe students should learn from rote memorization and basic concepts that they too mastered in their academic careers.
Other still have solid questions about the necessity of these knowledges in a world replete with technologies that facilitate these subjects more readily. Threading all of these visions for education is a sense that students should learn their subject areas the way their parents did, even as initiatives like the Common Core State Standards has prompted states to reconsider an adjustment. Yet, cognitive dissonance also settles in when we also want our students to do and be better than the generation who came before them.
New American Standard But the multitude of the city was divided; and some sided with the Jews, and some with the apostles. Jubilee Bible But the multitude of the city was divided, and part held with the Jews, and part with the apostles. American King James Version But the multitude of the city was divided: and part held with the Jews, and part with the apostles. American Standard Version But the multitude of the city was divided; and part held with the Jews, and part with the apostles. Douay-Rheims Bible And the multitude of the city was divided; and some of them indeed held with the Jews, but some with the apostles.
Darby Bible Translation And the multitude of the city was divided, and some were with the Jews and some with the apostles. English Revised Version But the multitude of the city was divided; and part held with the Jews, and part with the apostles. Webster's Bible Translation But the multitude of the city was divided: and part held with the Jews, and part with the apostles.
Weymouth New Testament At length the people of the city split into parties, some siding with the Jews and some with the Apostles. World English Bible But the multitude of the city was divided. Part sided with the Jews, and part with the apostles. Young's Literal Translation And the multitude of the city was divided, and some were with the Jews, and some with the apostles,. Acts But when the Jews saw the crowds, they were filled with jealousy, and they blasphemously contradicted what Paul was saying.
Acts The Jews, however, incited the religious women of prominence and the leading men of the city. They stirred up persecution against Paul and Barnabas and drove them out of their district. Acts But the unbelieving Jews stirred up the Gentiles and poisoned their minds against the brothers. Acts But when the Gentiles and Jews, together with their rulers, set out to mistreat and stone them, Acts But when the apostles Barnabas and Paul found out about this, they tore their clothes and rushed into the crowd, shouting, Acts Then some Jews arrived from Antioch and Iconium and won over the crowds.
They stoned Paul and dragged him outside the city, presuming he was dead.
As part of that process, one of the things they did was begin to gather data on significant legislation passed in their decade. That actually was the early beginnings that, first, it might be possible to gather this data. That also served as a template that we continued to build on when we pursued this paper more.
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It ended up being the case that a lot more work had to go into filling out the database of significant legislation over time, but yeah, the origins of this paper were really in this course. David Mayhew in his book is doing that. We used the CQ Almanac. We just used a variety of secondary sources and also sources trying to get at the contemporary accounts of what was significant.
Grossmann: Kirkland found budget delays as a clear measure of success and failure in the states. Some states like Wisconsin and New York, for example, very often have late budgets. Other states, it rarely happens. Again, this variation in how bad it is was also important to how we wanted to think about what might condition the effects of divided government. I think one of the things that was really important to us, because we decided to take a narrow approach with this project because we wanted to try and isolate what we could plausibly claim to be a causal effect of divided government, and so this focus on budget delays was also helpful methodologically.
Because one of the biggest challenges with some of the existing empirical studies of divided government is how you measure legislative performance or the production of legislation. There are lots of sophisticated ways in which scholars have tried to incorporate both supply and demand, but this is a really thorny issue, and a lot of the differences across studies of divided government actually surround this measurement question.
One thing that is really helpful about this budget delay measure is that the supply and the demand are clear. Grossmann: She was able to get a causal estimate of the effect of divided government by comparing states that were just on the edge of unified versus divided government. Some of those factors could also influence budget timing, like the timing of budget adoption or how easy it is for lawmakers to adopt a budget or how difficult and prolonged the negotiations might be, however we want to think about that piece of it.
With the regression discontinuity design, we focus on state years that are about as likely to experience divided or unified government, meaning the chances of experiencing divided government were about Grossmann: That was not easy because they needed a regression discontinuity measure that worked for separate elections for the state houses, state senates and gubernatorial elections. Kirkland: We have a lot of elections to different institutions at different times, so the way that we handle this is we use a series of simulations.
Just to clarify, I mean how much of the vote would have to shift from one party to another for the opposite outcome to have occurred. All the elections take place.
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Party control is in the hands of Republicans. The way that we figure this out is with simulations, and we simulate every legislative and gubernatorial election in each state. Then we look at in each simulation, we shift the vote share from one party to another, and we say, what was the outcome? Then we compare that to the actual outcome, and we determine two things. One, we learn something about the probability that a state will experience divided government, but we also learn what we talk about as the electoral or vote share distance to divided government.
Grossmann: Kirkland and Phillips also found that polarization and the consequences of budget impasses matter for delays alongside divided government. Kirkland: The idea that the effects of divided government vary with the political context.
We also find some evidence that higher levels of polarization actually make it more likely for divided government to create legislative delay, which is I think very consistent with much of the more recent work on divided government at the federal level. Grossmann: There are big differences across states in how normal it is to have a delay.
The reason I say that is because in some states late budgets are the norm regardless of whether government is divided, so it seems like some of these other factors like the level of polarization and institutions in particular really matter. They really do have an effect on or really do condition the effect of divided government. Grossmann: Kirkland says divided government also may increase deficits or affect lawmaking. Kirkland: We had perfect data. I think we would like to have that perfect measure of legislative performance to look at the relationship between divided government and legislative productivity, but that said, there are lots of ideas of effects of divided government.
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For example, we have a working paper that develops and refines this method a little bit more, and we have an application to budget deficits because there is some existing scholarship that predicts that there will be larger budget deficits under divided government. Grossmann: Having only one government to look at, Schneer looked at its productivity over centuries. An example of this is that in the early congresses, a lot of things were done on an ad hoc basis.
There was no formal budget process. If you were just to count up legislation, there are lot more individual units. Whereas when the process is rationalized, everything gets put together under one heading. Schneer: We observe probably the highest level of productivity, at least according to our measure, in the period from around to about , so the New Deal through the Great Society years.
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